Minute Book of Local Branch No. 2 Twenty-first Ward: Kristian May, "From Homemaker to Political Proletariat:: How Wisconsin Women Played a Role in Socialist Politics Before Suffrage

Socialism, even in the modern construct of American society, is a word that has been tainted with connotations of Communism, the end of Capitalism, and, to be quite frank, evil. When Socialism is spoken of in American politics, ideas of leftist radicalism, bloody revolutions, and thoughts of the destruction of the great American system may occur to some listeners; yet this has not been the case from what history has to offer. Rather, Socialist political groups during the late nineteenth century have been at the forefront of Progressive politics, fighting for the rights of communities who were voiceless. Many historians will argue that all people are products of their time; however, the Social Democracy group with their leader, Victor Berger, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, were well ahead of their time period, fighting for the equal pay of working class citizens, equal employment opportunities for immigrants and peoples of color, fixing pollution caused by industrialization and, what I will be arguing and proposing, the advancement of women in American politics through direct example. Women had not gained the right to vote in America until 1920, however, Victor Berger and the Social Democracy group pushed for a woman’s right to vote during the late nineteenth century, as shown in the hand written letters of the “Minute Book of Local Branch No. 2 Twenty-first Ward”. Although the title of this piece sounds – and appears – quite dry and full of bureaucratic political meetings, being mundane and exasperating, to some, – to which it is – there is true and unexpected political actions outlined by the party for women to join in their movement before suffrage had occured; it is for this highly unbeknownst reason that these Socialist handwritten letters should be apart of the American canon of literature.

            Victor Berger, a well-known Socialist in American politics, being the very first Socialist to be elected to public office in America, was favored and held in high regards for his progressive attitudes and political activism. The man was an immigrant to the United States, being “born in the Austrian empire on 28 February 1860…[he] was short, stocky, and in expression studious and somber” (Miller 17). In Vienna, the young Berger went to University and found himself an admiration for history and political economic theory, leaning himself towards scientific Socialism, a term coined by the well known political theorist Friedrich Engels. However, in 1878, Berger and his family had emigrated to the United States, “lack[ing] a particular trade and familiarity with English” (17). Berger and his family emigrated to Connecticut, yet, while still studying American customs and the English language, the man chose to move to Milwaukee, a city with a huge population of German immigrants. Milwaukee during the late nineteenth century was the perfect place for the Austrian immigrant to begin his life of politics, as by “1890…Milwaukee was the most foreign city in the United States, with … more than 150,000 of Milwaukee’s population of 285,315 [being] German by birth or parentage”; the man was able to assimilate quite easily within the German structured city (18). It was during this time that Berger began to align himself with Socialist politics, joining, and leading, the “Social Democratic Party in 1897” (Janik 109).

            This political group, the Social Democratic Party, was a booming political group in Milwaukee that soon took the state into a Progressive push towards equality of all citizens. However, the party had once been a part of the Progressive party, “abandon[ing] the Progressive Labor Party in 1888”, seeking to focus a distinction on class struggle and advancement of the working class (Dick 52). The group was able to gain a great amount of support in Milwaukee due to its high German population; “[t]he German vote prevailed in local [Milwaukee] politics” (18). With Socialist now rising in political power in the city of Milwaukee, Berger was appointed head of the Local Branch No. 2 of the Social Democracy as the “Socialist parties [in America] openly campaigned for reform” (Marks, Mbaye, Kim 623). The Social Democratic political group had headquarters in New York, yet Wisconsin and the Local Branch No. 2 quickly took on the spotlight of the political organization, setting an example throughout the nation. The political group had sought to “[fight] to broaden the suffrage movement” in America; however, unlike most political groups who are all talk, the Local Branch No. 2 acted off of their words (Kautsky 49). As other Social Democrats focused on seeking “higher wages, shorter hours, and better working conditions” for the American working class, the Milwaukee Branch took a first hand approach to gaining a step towards women joining a political movement (50).

            The hand written letters of the Local Brand No. 2 of the Social Democracy is a series of letters outlining the parties’ goals, agendas, and movements passed during their meetings held on the first of every Saturday of the month. The group first formed on June 22, 1897 and consisted of merely 17 members whom were all men, to begin with. If one were to read the letters, a list of rules and regulations for the party can be found, if one has the will to read bureaucratic motions and proposals in a nearly illegible form of nineteenth century cursive. The party describes them sticking true to eight specific rules – or articles, as they call them – and have a highly structured and predictable pattern for their meetings. The organization has thirteen points that are discussed in every meeting, ranging from “Reading of Communication…Reading of the Treasury…[and, strangely, the reading of ] Unfinished Business” (Zeidler July 22, 1897). Everyone in the organization is allowed to speak and vote on proposals in order of each members’ importance, starting with the chairman, working their way down to the newest member – the party appears very formal, democratic, and blasé, as with most political meetings. However, during the meeting of September 11, 1897, a very interesting proposal was made outlining the parties’ goals for women activism in their Branch of politics: a “[m]otion [was] made that every member should bring his wife to [the] meetings…[their] worthy chairman was instructed to go and [initiate their] women which he very quickly wished to do” (September 11, 1897). With this motion voted upon and passed with no resistance, we can see the parties’ goals to bring women into the political sphere of Socialism, giving them not only a voice in the party, but a vote in the organization as well– a highly progressive and unheard movement for their time.

            Although suffrage was a goal for the Social Democrats, at large, some Branches of the organization saw it as a difficult motion to pass throughout the nation. For many Socialists, “[s]uffrage was a puzzle…[during] the nineteenth century” as many did not know how to push for this ability on a national level (Marks, Mbaye, Kim 617). The Socialists wanted to gain universal suffrage in the United States, and it was one of their agendas, yet they had other issues to tackle, as well: “aiding labor unions, adopting civil rights programs, economic equality”, and so forth (615). It was difficult for this political organization to seek out suffrage for women, as “American Socialism was weak…[existing] in a firmly established democratic system” where Socialist were largely the minority in the country, unable to gain political power outside of their local governments (617). However, the Milwaukee Local Branch No. 2 sought direct action and gave women their intended rights as best they could; if they could not give them voting rights in the nation at large, which they sought to achieve, they would give them a voice in the Social Democracies organization and allowed them to speak and vote on key issues. Although Socialism has strong connotations of revolts and rising above the government to achieve their goals, the party “did not advocate a violent revolution as a means of achieving their goals. Rather, Socialism [and their agendas] was to come by ballot” (Janik, 109). With the Milwaukee Branch only existing for two months, they immediately sought out change by giving women a voice in their political movement; this was one of the very first proposals the organization made.

            The Branch acted out quickly to bring in women to the organization and gave this group a center-stage role in their political activism. On October 2, 1897, a “special meeting [was] called… [where a] motion [was] made that the first meetings in the months [would] be set aside as special meetings for women” (Zeidler October 2, 1897). It was quickly proposed and passed that the women of the organization would be allowed to run their own meetings, while allowing to still participate with the men in the party; the motion allowed the women to congregate twice and put forth their own referendums for the party. It was during the same meeting that “Mr. Palmer, [the secretary], made a small address on Socialism to the ladies that were present”, aiding them in how to organize their political voices in a fashionable way (October 2,1897). In nearly just two months, the Social Democracy doubled in size, with nearly half of the voices, proposals, and votes on referendums coming directly from women without the aid of their husbands; the Socialist women were given an ability and voice in Milwaukee politics that other women throughout the nation would not achieve for nearly two more decades. Just two months prior, in August, a motion was passed that the party would “go into the [states] elections next spring” where these female voice would be able to not run, unfortunately, but operate in a state-wide political election (August 28, 1897). This ability for women during the late nineteenth century is nearly unheard of, yet was accomplished and eagerly fought for by the Socialists in Milwaukee.

            Socialism, still in the modern world, is considered radical leftist ideology, and it was no different during the late nineteenth century. It is true that their agendas were radical for their time, yet, progressive and humane all the same; during the late nineteenth century it was still perceived radical to allow women to vote. This small Socialist group, as feared during the twentieth century, did not rip apart the fabric of American government and society; it did not uproot the Capitalist society that makes America ‘American’; however, this group was, instead, ahead of its time, giving women, an oppressed group in their time period, a voice in local politics. The Milwaukee Socialists of the Local Branch No. 2 of the Social Democracy, instead, became an example for the rest of the country, not only fighting for women suffrage, but acting upon their words to give women voting rights. This push for women suffrage, as small as it may have been, should be a piece of the American Canon, as it demonstrates not only a call for women to join politics through activism, but a direct example of women having influence in political movements, even before the nation accepted this motion.

Works Cited

Dick, William M. Labor and Socialism in America; the Gompers Era. Port Washington, NY:

            Kennikat, 1972. Print.

Janik, Erika. A Short History of Wisconsin. Madison, WI: Wisconsin Historical Society, 2010.

 Print.

Kautsky, John. "Contexts of Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism." Society 33.3 (1996): 48-

            52. Web.

Marks, Gary W., Heather AD Mbaye, and Hyung Min Kim. "Radicalism or reformism? Socialist

            parties before World War I." American Sociological Review 74.4 (2009): 615-635

Miller, Sally M. Victor Berger and the Promise of Constructive Socialism, 1910-1920. Westport,

            CT: Greenwood, 1973. Print.

Zeidler, Frank Collection Papers, “Socialist Party of America”, Box 2 Folder 8. Minute Book of

Local Branch No. 2 Twenty-first Ward. UW – Milwaukee Archives, Milwaukee, WI. October 10, 2016.


Collections to the "Minute Book of Local Branch No. 2 Twenty-first Ward" can be found at the at the provided google link:

 https://goo.gl/photos/TJfQPS4vnNT2H1jY9

or, can be accessible through the UW - Milwaukees archives:
 Zeidler, Frank Collection Papers, “Socialist Party of America”, Box 2 Folder 8. Minute Book of Local Branch No. 2 Twenty-first Ward. UW – Milwaukee Archives, Milwaukee, WI. October 10, 2016.